The failure of the Tobago autonomy bills in Parliament on Monday warrants deep reflection from all sides of the divide.
The idea of autonomy for Tobago is not a new one and dates back to the Hochoy Charles era as Chief Secretary. Given the longevity of the issue, it is precisely for this reason Government's disorganisation on Monday was met with an apt response.
During the debate, the Opposition complained of a shorter time to examine amendments made by the Government. Prime Minister Dr Keith Rowley meanwhile denied there was any last-minute rush, arguing the issues have been in discussion in Parliament and public domain for years and it was Chief Secretary Farley Augustine seeking to bring new considerations to the table. Earlier on Monday, Augustine had called for more consultation, stating that the bills still do not meet the needs of Tobago and its people. It is unfortunate, therefore, that this important legislation for the island remains a political football.
In reality, there have been several consultations and meetings on Tobago's self-governance over the last 10 years leading up to the first debate on Tobago autonomy three years ago. How then can the House of Representatives arrive at Parliament to vote for legislation that Tobagonians are still not satisfied with? It is apparent the consultations not only need to be broadened but also to be escalated to the level where officials from both the Tobago House of Assembly (THA) and Central Government must meet and find common ground on the range of issues hindering the passage of the bills.
What doesn't help is the heightened rhetoric associated with Monday's sitting. Augustine's "house slave" reference in relation to the Prime Minister after the bills' failure, therefore, is unfortunate, as it serves only to create further animosity between two of the major players in the discussions, who, ironically, are born and bred Tobagonians.
The drama in Parliament highlighted the huge disconnect between the People's National Movement and United National Congress legislators on the matter- ultimately resulting in the bills' failure. It is not, however, enough for any Government, where the majority of members represent constituencies in Trinidad, to simply craft legislation that decides the fate of Tobago without giving serious consideration to the concerns of those who live on the island.
Among the changes Augustine would like to see are increased maritime boundaries; a larger share of the national budget from a current maximum of 6.9 per cent to eight per cent; to have autonomy in accessing loans on its own and to impose taxes and grant concessions. Other Tobago officials have gone further in their calls for constitutional reform which would give the THA the right to review laws made in Trinidad and to determine whether they are applicable to Tobago.
Ideally, the process undertaken should be genuine. Tobagonians are not currently convinced that Central Government wants to allow them self-dtermination in any serious way. They want real changes, not cosmetic ones. On that note, Augustine and the THA will also have to compromise on some areas which Central Government will not be able to offer but such consensus can only be reached if there is authentic dialogue between the parties.