Cabinet is not infallible. Governments everywhere make bad decisions regardless of which political party forms the Government. Last week, we surmised that any Cabinet decision was only as good as the research supporting the note’s information and recommendations.
Some decisions take a long time to gestate, and the outcomes, favourable or unfavourable, only become visible much later when those responsible for the decision are out of office. Reversing or mitigating a negative result is difficult.
The Cabinet is an apex decision-making body. It should primarily be concerned with policy or strategic decisions and big-picture issues rather than operational matters. That is the general rule, but there will be exceptions, which ought to be few.
Organisations do not make strategic decisions often and must do so carefully when required. Policy formulation is important because it gives context and meaning to the strategic decision. Conversely, operational decisions are made by line managers focused on daily activities and routine tasks.
Operational decisions are therefore the business of the civil service officers, not the Cabinet. As in any organisation, civil service operations should be embedded in documented systems and procedures.
Systems and procedures are the DNA of any organisation as they guide the daily routine. New developments may challenge these routines occasionally, and there should be guidelines or exception routines to facilitate the necessary changes.
By focusing on strategic issues, Cabinet would have the time to distinguish between urgent and important, review performance measures, and determine corrective action if required. Implementation is for the civil and public servants. This is the formula. Where implementation is weak, then the weak areas must be strengthened. Politically, the buck stops with the Cabinet.
The T&T Cabinet reviews between 75 to a 100 notes a meeting. Since Cabinet meets weekly, that means that 4,000-plus notes annually, whether these notes are in paper or electronic format.
Evidence presented in “Issues and Problems in Caribbean Public Administration”, published by Selwyn Ryan and Deryck Brown (no relation) in 1992 supported this analysis.
The book contains two relevant chapters. The first is ‘The Role and Function of Cabinet’. The second is ‘Over-Centralisation: The Question of Submissions to Cabinet.’ The second piece was derived from the Public Service Review Task Force chaired by the late Reginald Dumas during the chambers’ years, of which Gordon Draper was a member.
Both chapters are critical of the number of T&T Cabinet Notes. In “Over-Centralisation” the evidence indicated that T&T cabinet notes were eight times more than the notes going to Jamaica’s Cabinet and 100 times more than the notes going to the Downing Street Cabinet (the UK), a country of 67 million people.
In the late 1990s, the Cabinet authorised ministers to approve several administrative matters that previously engaged its attention, resulting in a much smaller number of notes being submitted for Cabinet’s consideration. Permanent secretaries also have delegated powers. The improvement was not permanent. During my time in office (2007-2010), the numbers were back in the 4000-plus range.
Why so many notes, and what is their composition? From my experience, most are routine matters that should be dealt with elsewhere. Many are human resource matters (roughly 30 per cent) that should never reach Cabinet. These include leave approvals, leave-buyout arrangements for whatever reason, gratuity payments, or contracts where the person is nearing retirement and there is no replacement.
Why has this situation persisted? Can’t these matters be decided in the ordinary course of business at the operational civil service level? Perhaps many can be, but it is safer (for the civil servant) to let the Cabinet decide? Or do ministers want to influence operational matters?
The filter should be the cabinet secretary/secretariat, the administrative office responsible for collecting, collating and distributing notes submitted from various ministries and the minutes of the previous meeting. Currently, the secretariat does not have the authority to perform this function.
Neither does the Head of the Public Service, the titular position given to the Permanent Secretary (PS) to the Prime Minister, without the formal authority to direct other PSs. What is the formal machinery to coordinate and harmonise the approach of ministries?
The coordinating role is the Prime Minister’s, as he is responsible for the performance of his Cabinet ministers.
Who follows up on the implementation of cabinet decisions? How and when are these cabinet decisions reviewed and their success or failure evaluated? How and when are evaluations performed, using what data?
How is the performance of a minister to be judged, and what are the key metrics that would enable this evaluation process? How often should these evaluations take place? Is there an administrative structure to gather the data to make such determinations? Does this evaluation process take place in individual ministries?
The annual budget provides such a framework. The link is the cabinet note, as the budget should include only financial requirements arising from confirmed Cabinet decisions. All decisions cannot be accommodated simultaneously, as “wants” are always greater than available resources.
It could be argued that the annual budgeting process allocates resources according to priorities. How are priorities decided and by whom?
Mariano Browne is the Chief Executive Officer of the UWI Arthur Lok Jack Global School of Business