For generations, the Caribbean has recognised that the fortunes of its nations are interconnected. Economic hardship, migration pressures and humanitarian crises rarely remain confined within national borders. This shared reality helps explain why Caricom has long maintained relations with Cuba despite differing political systems.
As the United Nations General Assembly prepares to vote on a resolution calling for an end to the United States’ economic embargo of Cuba, Trinidad and Tobago has an opportunity to balance concerns about democracy with humanitarian considerations and regional solidarity. The Government’s position deserves careful reconsideration.
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar has been clear about her concerns regarding Cuba’s democratic credentials. Those concerns are legitimate. Yet supporting relief from economic sanctions does not require endorsing Cuba’s political system. The embargo, in place in various forms for more than six decades, has repeatedly drawn criticism from the international community. Although the General Assembly resolution is not legally binding, it provides a platform for countries to express their views on the consequences of longstanding economic restrictions.
Restrictions on trade, finance and access to essential supplies have contributed to fuel shortages, electricity disruptions and limited access to basic goods, exacerbating hardships for ordinary Cubans. It is against this backdrop that 11 former Caribbean leaders, including former prime minister Dr Keith Rowley, recently urged countries to support the resolution, framing the issue as one of humanitarian responsibility and regional unity.
There is also a question of consistency in Trinidad and Tobago’s foreign policy. Earlier this month, Cabinet approved the establishment of this country’s first embassy in the United Arab Emirates and entered into an investment agreement linked to grant funding for the Couva Children’s Hospital. The UAE is a federation of hereditary monarchies where political parties and national elections do not exist. If Trinidad and Tobago can pursue diplomatic and economic cooperation with Abu Dhabi without making multiparty democracy a precondition, it is reasonable to ask why democratic differences should be treated differently in relations with Cuba.
The issue is not merely diplomatic. For more than five decades, Cuba has been a valued regional partner, training hundreds of Trinidadian doctors and providing healthcare professionals who have helped strengthen our health system. Those contributions have benefited generations of citizens and stand as a reminder of the practical value of regional cooperation, particularly for small states with limited resources.
As Trinidad and Tobago prepares to take up its non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for 2027-2028, preserving Caricom unity should also be a consideration. A divided regional position risks weakening our influence as a representative of small island developing states at a time when coordinated advocacy on climate change, development financing and security remains essential.
This issue need not be framed as support for Cuba’s government or opposition to the United States. Trinidad and Tobago can continue to advocate for democracy and human rights while questioning whether broad economic sanctions remain an effective or proportionate means of achieving those objectives.
Providing bilateral assistance, as Government ministers have suggested, is commendable. But charity alone cannot substitute for structural relief. It is difficult to meaningfully ease a neighbour’s suffering while accepting the continuation of measures that constrain its economy.
Before casting a vote that could leave this country isolated from many of its Caribbean neighbours and at odds with its longstanding diplomatic tradition, the Government should pause and reconsider its position.
