On Monday, US President Donald Trump signed an executive order in which he found that “the actions and policies of the regime of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States.”
In the order, Mr Trump said the activities of the Tren de Aragua gang, which he described as a Venezuelan transnational criminal organisation, have intensified the threat, which he identified in his first term by imposing sanctions against Venezuela and its leaders.
Venezuela constitutes an extraordinary threat to the US, according to its president’s reckoning, because of its suppression of free and fair elections, its endemic economic mismanagement and public corruption, the regime’s responsibility for the deepening humanitarian and public health crisis in the country and its destabilisation of the Western Hemisphere through forced migration of millions of Venezuelans, imposing significant burdens on neighbouring countries.
The trajectory of Mr Trump’s comments and orders, and the statements of his Secretary of State Marco Rubio, indicate a clear intention by the US, which is the Western Hemisphere’s hegemon, to isolate Venezuela and reduce the amount of foreign exchange the country earns. The US may also be interested in forcing regime change in Venezuela.
On Monday, Mr Trump also said the ongoing destabilising actions of Venezuela necessitate further economic measures to protect US interests.
The main economic measure he announced is the imposition of a 25 per cent tariff on or after April 2, “on all goods imported into the United States from any country that imports Venezuelan oil, whether directly from Venezuela or indirectly through third parties.”
While it is noteworthy that the US has not imposed tariffs on countries seeking to develop Venezuela’s natural gas resources, that may simply be a matter of time.
Despite Prime Minister Stuart Young’s extraordinary negotiating skills, it would be prudent for his administration to generate scenarios that include the US government cancelling the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) exemptions that T&T received from the Biden administration for the development of the Dragon and Cocuina/Manakin natural gas fields.
The main element of the scenario planning has to be speeding up the negotiations to bring the Calypso field, which is located in the deepwater off Trinidad’s north-east coast, closer to its final investment decision. The Calypso field is estimated to hold 3.2 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, and it has been licensed to Woodside Energy, the operator, with a 70 per cent participating interest, and partner BP, which holds 30 per cent.
In March 2024, Woodside Energy CEO Meg O’Neill was quoted as saying that the development of the gas field would take place when the “commercial matters are sorted.” This suggests that Woodside Energy is looking for better fiscal terms from the T&T Government and that Mr Young was focusing attention on the development of the Dragon field, which is in shallow water off Trinidad’s north-west coast, as a means of encouraging the Calypso operator to come to the table.
If T&T’s hold on the Dragon is becoming increasingly tenuous, it behooves the T&T Government to close off the negotiations with Woodside Energy and inform the population about what Calypso can mean for the country’s future.