Dr Winford James
Max Albert and I continue our discussions on the Tobago autonomy question.
For several weeks now, we have been exploring Tobago’s constitutional journey from the Union of 1889 through the Tobago House of Assembly Acts No. 8 of 1988 and Act No 40 of 1996. We have examined authority, governance, and the continuing search for an autonomy arrangement that better reflects Tobago’s aspirations within the Republic.
Today, however, we pause to ask a different question. Not what Tobago should receive, but what kind of Republic we would build if we were founding it today. Economists, constitutional scholars, and historians frequently employ what may be called the counterfactual method. They ask “What if?”, not to rewrite history, but to identify possibilities that existing institutions may have overlooked.
In developing the answer to this question, we will be operating with the following broad definition of development: “the optimisation of resources and opportunities for good, healthy living for all wherever they are located and can be sustained in the Republic.”
Suppose the Republic were being designed in 2026 rather than inherited from 1962 or shaped by arrangements dating back to 1889. How would we organise it? Would we automatically concentrate nearly every major institution on one island? Or would we deliberately distribute national institutions so that development itself became more balanced?
History demonstrates that institutions are not merely administrative conveniences but also economic engines. Wherever courts are established, lawyers, accountants, mediators, consultants, conference facilities, hotels, and restaurants follow. Wherever universities are established, research, innovation, housing, and commerce follow. Wherever government ministries are located, employment follows. Wherever public investment is concentrated, private investment is seldom far behind.
Institutions create economies. Could the Republic become stronger if its institutions were more strategically distributed? Imagine a Scarborough that evolves into the constitutional and judicial centre of the Republic. Imagine regional and international courts conducting business from Tobago. Imagine the National Teachers’ Colleges located in Tobago. Imagine the National Police Academy preparing every police recruit in Tobago.
Imagine a National Emergency Management Institute serving the wider Caribbean from Scarborough.
Going further afield, imagine a Caribbean Centre for Marine Science and Ocean Technology overlooking the Atlantic from a site in Tobago.
Each institution would create employment, stimulate housing, support transport, retail, hospitality, and professional services, and create opportunities for young Tobagonians while contributing to the national economy.
The sea itself invites similar reflection. For generations, we have viewed Tobago principally as a tourism destination. Yet Tobago is also a maritime territory. Its waters embody fisheries, marine biodiversity, shipping opportunities, scientific research, blue-carbon ecosystems, and, potentially, offshore energy development. Across the world, countries increasingly recognise that the sea is not simply a boundary but also a set of economies.
What constitutional arrangements might allow Tobago to participate more directly in the stewardship and economic benefits arising from the island’s marine space, equitably determined? How might revenues associated with offshore activity, fisheries, marine conservation, blue-carbon initiatives and future ocean industries contribute to Tobago’s long-term development while strengthening the Republic as a whole?
These are not questions of division. They are questions of national optimisation.
Even symbolism deserves consideration. The names nations adopt, the capitals they establish, and the institutions they create all communicate how they understand themselves.
Could a future Republic embrace a more geographically balanced constitutional identity? Could Scarborough become the seat of certain national institutions while Port-of-Spain continues to perform others, each city contributing uniquely to the success of the Republic?
Perhaps the Republic’s next constitutional conversation should extend beyond autonomy? Perhaps it should ask how the nation itself can be re-imagined? Not by weakening and diminishing one island. Not by expanding the fortunes of the other. But rather, by recognising that the fullest development of Tobago strengthens Trinidad, just as the success of Trinidad strengthens Tobago.
Autonomy, viewed through this lens, is not an end in itself. It is one instrument through which a more balanced, resilient, and prosperous Republic may emerge.
If we possess the courage to re-imagine our institutions, our economy, our relationship with the sea, and even the symbols through which we define ourselves, we may discover that the greatest opportunity before us is not merely to perfect Tobago’s autonomy but to reimagine the Republic itself.
To be continued...
Dr Winford James is a retired UWI lecturer who has been analysing issues in education, language, development and politics in T&T and the wider Caribbean on radio and TV since the 1970s. He has also written thousands of columns for all major newspapers in the country.
