Democracy was established in Venezuela in 1958 when a popular uprising overthrew the dictatorship of Marcos Perez Jimenez. Elections were held in 1959 and Romulo Bentacourt was elected president. Over decades thereafter, the country grew to become a long-standing and fairly stable liberal democracy in Latin America until the 1990s.
In 1999, charismatic former military officer Hugo Chávez, in a democratic vote, rode a wave of discontent and swept into the nation’s highest office, promising the ordinary folk of Venezuela an inclusive democracy with social and economic justice through his “Bolivarian Socialist Revolution”.
But, as analysts say, during three terms of Chavez, the democratic system began to unravel and was replaced by an increasing authoritarianism that approached totalitarian rule under Chavez’s successor, Nicolás Maduro. With Maduro’s extraction from office by the United States, many see the opportunity for the restoration of democracy in Venezuela.
This is critical for Trinidad and Tobago and the rest of Caricom. Continuing instability in our closest neighbour would negatively affect the economies and security of southern Caribbean countries lying in close proximity, particularly Trinidad and Tobago, just seven miles away.
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, like leaders in Europe and elsewhere, has expressed support for a peaceful democratic transition, saying whether “they choose Delcy Rodriguez or Maria Machado, or anyone else through fair elections, my Government will work with them.” Caricom Heads of Governments also want “Venezuela’s stability, good governance, democracy and prosperity.” The unanimity on this issue presents the chance for a strong, unified Caricom voice to promote the path to democracy in Venezuela.
Experts agree it cannot mean immediate elections. The ground must be prepared.
“All the institutions of power and all the electoral offices in Venezuela below the president are held by supporters of the regime,” says Harold Trinkunas, senior research scholar at Stanford University.
The rule of law must be restored. Autocratic control of independent institutions must be replaced by true separation of powers, where the freedoms of the people prevail and determine who leads the country. Elections must be held under a system where the courts, electoral authorities, security forces, and media are independent, free from control by any one political faction. This is the sine qua non for restoring the stability that would engender national cohesion and inspire international confidence in the country’s future. Without it, “elections would serve only to legitimise an authoritarian system rather than offer Venezuelans a real choice.”
And without democracy, there will be no prosperity for Venezuelans, no matter how much oil exists beneath the country’s surface. As Dany Bahar, associate professor at Brown University, says, “Democracy restores rights to Venezuelans and predictability to the economy. It allows contracts to be enforced, property to be protected, and investment to occur under rules that cannot be arbitrarily reversed. Without that, no serious investor will commit, and no recovery will last.”
Indeed, we have already seen the deep scepticism from America’s biggest oil companies about investing presently in Venezuela, notwithstanding prodding and threats from US President Donald Trump. Bahar says, “The full restoration of Venezuelan democracy is not optional.”
So far, Maduro’s former petroleum minister, Delcy Rodriguez, has been sworn in as acting president and his entire cabinet remains in charge of the country, supposedly under White House oversight. Indeed, last week, Venezuelan lawmakers backed a plan to make it easier for foreign companies to participate in the country’s oil industry, satisfying a significant demand by US President Trump.
On the other hand, the UK Guardian reports that repression continues.
“Armed militias continue to patrol the streets and search people’s mobile phones; a group of teenagers was detained for allegedly celebrating Maduro’s capture and only released a week later; and despite the regime’s promise of a “mass” release of political prisoners, nearly 1,000 people remain behind bars for having dared to criticise or protest against the regime.”
But hope remains.
“Venezuela can be the spark for a fourth wave of democratisation,” says Leopoldo López, prominent advocate for democracy in Venezuela.
Will this opportunity be lost? The longer we tarry, the more difficult it will be. President Trump has an opportunity to enter the history books. His administration must lead the way in preparing the country for free and fair elections, which almost 70 per cent of Venezuelans want to see within six months to one year. There will be global applause for such an effort from Washington. Critical international and regional bodies will join, including the United Nations, the Organisation of American States, Mercosur, the Andean Community, Caricom, the European Union and others. It would be a revival of multilateralism.
As it did for the restoration of democracy in Haiti in the 90s, Caricom must be among the persistent voices pushing for the process towards democracy in Venezuela.
“Stability is not going to happen unless you promise and commit to the final goal of a democratic transition,” says Hector Fuentes, Venezuela lawyer and policy expert.
For the freedom and prosperity of the people of Venezuela and for the security and stability of our region and hemisphere, let us move together to restore democracy in Venezuela. This is critical.
