The State of Emergency (SoE) has not ended the murders, nor has it put an end to the gruesomeness of some murders, but, the number of murders has been reduced, and the country feels a little calmer, a little less on edge.
The brazen execution of attorney Randall Hector triggered fear among attorneys in the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions and other attorneys involved in criminal prosecution matters on behalf of the State, because it may very well have been a warning to many.
Since then, judges have publicly expressed fear and have highlighted their need for greater protection. And now, the Prime Minister has expressed outrage that police fear gangsters and shut the doors of police stations at night to better protect themselves from criminals. The Commissioner of Police has spoken up in defence of her “brave” officers. But no one can deny that being a police officer is a dangerous job, and I would not be surprised if police are indeed fearful of powerful gangsters and outrageously daring criminals in this country, who can surprise you, ambush you, and execute you in front of any number of people in any place, with immense firepower which exceeds that of the police, without fear of consequence.
Politicians must be afraid too. After all, gangsters and criminals rove the country. They are well known to politicians, who sometimes socialise with them and even take photos with them. These Trinidad and Tobago-born and bred gangsters live in communities, in constituencies and have circles of influence and circles of influencers all in this same small society.
These things make them important in politics, campaigning and vote-getting and because of this, politicians in power have been reluctant to take a hard law and order line and often defer to them. And the justice system from police through courts, prison and after has been compromised. Most of these known gangsters have little or no criminal records!
Politicians represent constituencies in which gangsters have real influence and power. The police, army and coast guard are recruited from all over, but especially from constituencies in which some gangsters hold sway. Sometimes, politicians recommend potential recruits who are absorbed into the military system. We avoid acknowledging such arrangements and developments but once acknowledged, it is easy to see how multiple complexities debilitate the justice system and compromise law enforcement. When you add drugs, territory, corruption, money, sex and guns to this complicated mix, it is not difficult to understand how we got here. And to the very partisan, let me say that it is not only because of “Rowley” or “Kamla.”
In one research article on crime in Trinidad and Tobago, the authors (local as well as international) cite the Besson Street Police Station practice of referring a criminal to a gangster leader for disciplining and straightening out, rather than charging the miscreant with a crime.
Reflect a little on your own experience. If a known gangster can find himself in President’s House for the swearing-in of a minister, where can a gangster not be and what can a gangster not do and how can one not be afraid of gangsters?
And what prevents a gangster or group of gangsters from threatening the life of a prime minister, president, minister, parliamentarian, police commissioner, judge, magistrate, prison head, customs or immigration official? Don’t just dismiss this: and it doesn’t help to squirm. Think. Reflect. And answer honestly with conscience. And perhaps now, you will begin to understand why politicians, through the State with taxpayers’ money, have created opportunities for lawlessness. Whether quarries, contracts, make-work programmes or sport and community development programmes. In the end, a tragic mess all around.
Over the years, we have built up a partnership in crime through the compromise of systems and the law, which has fuelled corruption. In the process, the balance of power has shifted in favour of gangs and a formidable criminal enterprise deeply intertwined with our “legitimate” institutions and the legal infrastructure. It is the severe imbalance that is the bigger problem now.
The real question is: how are we going to get out? Can we get out?
One thing is sure. The State of Emergency will come to an end, and what then? What can be done between now and April that would make a decisive difference?
Election will come and go but how will this shift in the balance of power between lawlessness and lawful government and governance change, without and within?
That is the burning question.